Through this research we wanted to see how young people who are actors of the punk scene in Zagreb define politics, what forms of politicalness and in what ways they themselves practice or recognize in other actors of the punk scene. The reason why the focus of this research was placed on young people can be found in frequent descriptions of the marginalizing attitude of the older population towards young people, in which they are often called the 'skeptical generation' (Tomić-Koludrović, 1999) or 'losers' (Ilišin, 2004). Likewise, the findings of research on young people also show that the attitude of young people towards politics is sometimes seen as 'apolitical', describing dislike of political parties or mistrust towards politicians, which adversely affects a more active participation of young people in political institutions (Mustapić, Karajić, 2013; Ilišin, 1999; 2004; 2006; Gvozdanović, 2011; 2014). However, regardless of the negative views on political engagement of young people, we can see how young people react differently to these (un)conscious barriers in front of which they find themselves. Even though a part of young people accept the expected political disinterest, we can recognize in some of them the desire and willingness to be active and engaged, thereby providing resistance to the imposed marginal social status in various ways. For this reason, we were interested in alternative forms of expressing politicalness in young people, which sometimes remain unrecognized. They are examples of political activity of young people that demonstrate their assertiveness, but also the loss of a society that does not recognize the potential of their politicalness (Storrie, 1997; Willis, 1990). Wanting to explore this topic, we chose punk as an example of a subculture that revives political activity among young people (McKay, 1996; Hebdige, 1980; Savage, 1992; Home, 1995). In the 1990s in Croatia, the connection of the punk subculture with more pronounced political attitudes and connections with the activist scene was emphasized once again (Perasović, 2001; 2013), reviving what some authors call the ´Crass´ paradigm (McKay, 1996; Perasović, 2001; 2013; Dergić, 2014; 2019). In order to investigate the topic of young people, politics and subculture in the local community, based on the example of Zagreb's punk subculture, an ethnographic research was conducted that consisted of observation with participation, writing diary entries, as well as conducting in depth, semi-structured interviews. The field part of the research was conducted in the span of 15 months, during which 28 interviews were conducted with participants between 20 and 36 years of age. The research of young people, politics and subculture is set up in a way to answer the five main research questions: 1. How do young people who consider themselves part of the punk subculture define politicalness? 2. What forms of politicalness do young people who consider themselves part of the punk subculture recognize? 3. What activities and practices do the participants correlate with their politicalness? 4. What do young people who are active on the punk scene describe as influences on the development of their politicalness? 5. What is the politicalness of young people on the punk scene like in the context of understanding the politicalness of young people in Croatia? In the findings of this research, we can see how the participants' experiences and opinions about politics and political activity correspond with conclusions such as Sairambay's (2020) understanding of political participation or Beck's (2001) notion of subpolitics. When the participants discussed about the punk scene, they described three groups of terms, i.e. groups present on the scene, which shows how their style is still significantly associated with political attitudes: kukumari and chaos punks; apolitical and gray zone, and skinheads and Oi! punks. By mentioning them, as well as by recognizing and describing the differences between the mentioned groups, we can see how the subcultural capital of the participants is present and expressed (Thornton, 1995). By analyzing the collected data, we obtained descriptions of 39 activities, practices and political ideas through which the participants described their own politicalness or the politicalness they observe in the punk scene in Zagreb. They are organized into 7 categories: 1. Formal politicalness; 2. Informal politicalness - activism; 3. The punk approach; 4. Stylistic expression; 5. Consumption practices – (anti)consumerism; 6. Political (self-)declaration; 7. Verbal expression. These categories are partially based on research findings within the punk scene in the Netherlands, in which the author Lohman (2017) categorized politicalness through five forms of political participation. Our categorization recognizes a wider spectrum of activities, practices and political ideas in order to better understand the different forms and examples of political activity of young people who are active in the local punk scene. Based on the results of the research, we can once again see how important stylistic differences are for the actors of the punk scene and the research participants, with these differences being based on political attitudes. Likewise, this research emphasizes the need to recognize the political interest or participation of young people in a wider spectrum of political activities than those related to traditional indicators such as participation in political parties and voting in elections. Taking into account only the mentioned indicators, we can come to the incorrect conclusion that there has been a decline in social activism among young people, instead of recognizing new opportunities for engagement, as well as the change and diversification of political participation of young people (Norris, 2002). Therefore, as a contribution of this research, the presented categorization of forms of youth politics in the punk scene in Zagreb shows a wide spectrum of activities and practices that go beyond the existing known examples of youth participation in formal politics. All the aforementioned examples indicate the assertiveness of young people in response to the barriers in front of them with new ways and opportunities to participate in political processes.