| Abstract | Ovim istraživanjem željelo se vidjeti kako mladi ljudi akteri punk scene u Zagrebu definiraju politiku, koje oblike političnosti i na koji način sami prakticiraju ili prepoznaju kod drugih aktera punk scene. Razlog zašto se u ovom istraživanju fokus usmjerio na mlade ljude nalazi se u čestim opisima marginalnog odnosa starije populacije prema mladima, u kojem ih se često naziva ´skeptičnom generacijom´ (Tomić-Koludrović, 1999) ili ´gubitnicima´ (Ilišin, 2004). Isto tako, nalazi istraživanja o mladima također nam pokazuju kako se na odnos mladih prema politici ponekad gleda kao na ´apolitičan´, opisujući nesklonost političkim strankama ili nepovjerenje prema političarima, što nepovoljno utječe na aktivnije sudjelovanje mladih ljudi u političkim institucijama (Mustapić, Karajić, 2013; Ilišin, 1999; 2004; 2006; Gvozdanović, 2011;2014). No, bez obzira na negativne poglede na politički angažman mladih, možemo vidjeti kako mladi različito reagiraju na te (ne)svjesne barijere pred kojima se nađu. Iako dio mladih prihvati očekivanu političku nezainteresiranost, kod dijela je moguće prepoznati želju i volju da budu aktivni i angažirani, pružajući time na različite načine otpor nametnutom marginalnom društvenom statusu. Iz tog razloga zanimali su nas alternativni oblici iskazivanja političnosti mladih ljudi, koji ponekad ostanu neprepoznati. Oni su primjeri političke aktivnosti mladih i prikazuju njihovu asertivnost, ali i gubitak društva koje ne prepoznaje potencijal njihove političnosti (Storrie, 1997; Willis, 1990). Želeći istražiti ovu temu, izabrali smo punk kao primjer supkulture koja među mladima oživljava političko djelovanje (McKay, 1996; Hebdige, 1980; Savage, 1992; Home, 1995). Devedesetih godina u Hrvatskoj poveznica punk supkulture s izraženijim političkim stavovima i vezama s aktivističkom scenom ponovno je istaknuta (Perasović, 2001; 2013), oživljavajući ono što poneki autori nazivaju ´Crass´ paradigmom (McKay, 1996; Perasović, 2001; 2013; Dergić, 2014; 2019). Kako bi se istražila tema mladih, politike i supkultura u lokalnoj zajednici, na primjeru zagrebačke punk supkulture, provedeno je etnografsko istraživanje koje se sastojalo od promatranja sa sudjelovanjem, pisanja dnevničkih zapisa, kao i provođenje dubinskih, polu strukturiranih intervjua. Terenski dio istraživanja proveden je u trajanju od 15 mjeseci, unutar kojih je provedeno 28 intervjua sa sudionicima u dobnim granicama između 20 i 36 godina. Istraživanje mladih, politike i supkulture postavljeno je na način da odgovara na pet glavnih istraživačkih pitanja: 1. Kako mladi ljudi koji se smatraju dijelom punk supkulture definiraju političnost?; 2. Koje oblike političnosti prepoznaju među sobom mladi ljudi koji se smatraju dijelom punk supkulture?; 3. Koje aktivnosti i prakse sudionici povezuju sa svojom političnošću?; 4. Što sve mladi aktivni na punk sceni opisuju kao utjecaj na razvoj njihove političnosti?; 5. Kakva je političnost mladih na punk sceni u kontekstu shvaćanja političnosti mladih u Hrvatskoj? U nalazima ovog istraživanja možemo vidjeti kako se iskustva i mišljenja sudionika o politici i političkoj aktivnosti slažu sa zaključcima kao što je Sairambayevo (2020) shvaćanje političke participacije ili Beckov (2001) pojam subpolitike. Kada se sa sudionicima razgovaralo o punk sceni, opisivali su tri grupe pojmova, odnosno grupe prisutne na sceni, a kojima vidimo koliko se stil među njima i dalje značajno povezuje s političkim stavovima: kukumari i kejos punksi; apolitični i siva zova, te skinhead i Oi! punk. Njihovim spominjanjem, prepoznavanjem i opisivanjem razlika između navedenih grupa, možemo vidjeti kako je supkulturni kapital sudionika prisutan i izražen (Thornton, 1995). Analizom prikupljenih podataka dobili smo opise 39 aktivnosti, praksi i političkih ideja kojima su sudionici opisivali vlastitu političnost ili političnost koju primjećuju na punk sceni u Zagrebu. One su organizirane u 7 kategorija: 1. Formalna političnost; 2. Neformalna političnost – aktivizam; 3. Punk pristup; 4. Stilski izričaj; 5. Prakse potrošnje – (anti)konzumerizam; 6. Političko (samo)izjašnjavanje; 7. Verbalna ekspresija. Ove kategorije djelomično se oslanjaju na nalaze istraživanja punk scene u Nizozemskoj u kojem je autorica Lohman (2017) kategorizirala političnost kroz pet oblika političke participacije. Našom kategorizacijom prepoznat je širi spektar aktivnosti, praksi i političkih ideja u svrhu boljeg shvaćanja različitih 321 formi i primjera političkog djelovanja mladih ljudi aktivnih na lokalnoj punk sceni. Rezultatima istraživanja možemo još jednom vidjeti koliko su za aktere punk scene i sudionike istraživanja važne stilske razlike koje su utemeljene na političkim stavovima. Također, ovo istraživanje naglašava potrebu prepoznavanja političke zainteresiranosti ili participacije mladih ljudi u širem spektru političkih aktivnosti od onih koje se odnose na tradicionalne indikatore kao što je sudjelovanje u političkim strankama i izlasci na izbore. Uzimajući u obzir samo navedene indikatore, pogrešno možemo doći do zaključka da je kod mladih ljudi došlo do pada društvenog aktivizma, umjesto da se prepoznaju nove prilike za angažman, te promjena i diverzifikacija političkog sudjelovanja mladih (Norris, 2002). Stoga kao doprinos ovog istraživanja predstavljena kategorizacija oblika političnosti mladih na punk sceni u Zagrebu prikazuje široki spektar aktivnosti i praksi koje nadilaze postojeće poznate primjere sudjelovanja mladih u formalnoj politici. Svi navedeni primjeri govore o asertivnosti mladih ljudi da na postavljene barijere odgovaraju novim načinima i prilikama za sudjelovanje u političkim procesima. |
| Abstract (english) | Through this research we wanted to see how young people who are actors of the punk scene in Zagreb define politics, what forms of politicalness and in what ways they themselves practice or recognize in other actors of the punk scene. The reason why the focus of this research was placed on young people can be found in frequent descriptions of the marginalizing attitude of the older population towards young people, in which they are often called the 'skeptical generation' (Tomić-Koludrović, 1999) or 'losers' (Ilišin, 2004). Likewise, the findings of research on young people also show that the attitude of young people towards politics is sometimes seen as 'apolitical', describing dislike of political parties or mistrust towards politicians, which adversely affects a more active participation of young people in political institutions (Mustapić, Karajić, 2013; Ilišin, 1999; 2004; 2006; Gvozdanović, 2011; 2014). However, regardless of the negative views on political engagement of young people, we can see how young people react differently to these (un)conscious barriers in front of which they find themselves. Even though a part of young people accept the expected political disinterest, we can recognize in some of them the desire and willingness to be active and engaged, thereby providing resistance to the imposed marginal social status in various ways. For this reason, we were interested in alternative forms of expressing politicalness in young people, which sometimes remain unrecognized. They are examples of political activity of young people that demonstrate their assertiveness, but also the loss of a society that does not recognize the potential of their politicalness (Storrie, 1997; Willis, 1990). Wanting to explore this topic, we chose punk as an example of a subculture that revives political activity among young people (McKay, 1996; Hebdige, 1980; Savage, 1992; Home, 1995). In the 1990s in Croatia, the connection of the punk subculture with more pronounced political attitudes and connections with the activist scene was emphasized once again (Perasović, 2001; 2013), reviving what some authors call the ´Crass´ paradigm (McKay, 1996; Perasović, 2001; 2013; Dergić, 2014; 2019). In order to investigate the topic of young people, politics and subculture in the local community, based on the example of Zagreb's punk subculture, an ethnographic research was conducted that consisted of observation with participation, writing diary entries, as well as conducting in depth, semi-structured interviews. The field part of the research was conducted in the span of 15 months, during which 28 interviews were conducted with participants between 20 and 36 years of age. The research of young people, politics and subculture is set up in a way to answer the five main research questions: 1. How do young people who consider themselves part of the punk subculture define politicalness? 2. What forms of politicalness do young people who consider themselves part of the punk subculture recognize? 3. What activities and practices do the participants correlate with their politicalness? 4. What do young people who are active on the punk scene describe as influences on the development of their politicalness? 5. What is the politicalness of young people on the punk scene like in the context of understanding the politicalness of young people in Croatia? In the findings of this research, we can see how the participants' experiences and opinions about politics and political activity correspond with conclusions such as Sairambay's (2020) understanding of political participation or Beck's (2001) notion of subpolitics. When the participants discussed about the punk scene, they described three groups of terms, i.e. groups present on the scene, which shows how their style is still significantly associated with political attitudes: kukumari and chaos punks; apolitical and gray zone, and skinheads and Oi! punks. By mentioning them, as well as by recognizing and describing the differences between the mentioned groups, we can see how the subcultural capital of the participants is present and expressed (Thornton, 1995). By analyzing the collected data, we obtained descriptions of 39 activities, practices and political ideas through which the participants described their own politicalness or the politicalness they observe in the punk scene in Zagreb. They are organized into 7 categories: 1. Formal politicalness; 2. Informal politicalness - activism; 3. The punk approach; 4. Stylistic expression; 5. Consumption practices – (anti)consumerism; 6. Political (self-)declaration; 7. Verbal expression. These categories are partially based on research findings within the punk scene in the Netherlands, in which the author Lohman (2017) categorized politicalness through five forms of political participation. Our categorization recognizes a wider spectrum of activities, practices and political ideas in order to better understand the different forms and examples of political activity of young people who are active in the local punk scene. Based on the results of the research, we can once again see how important stylistic differences are for the actors of the punk scene and the research participants, with these differences being based on political attitudes. Likewise, this research emphasizes the need to recognize the political interest or participation of young people in a wider spectrum of political activities than those related to traditional indicators such as participation in political parties and voting in elections. Taking into account only the mentioned indicators, we can come to the incorrect conclusion that there has been a decline in social activism among young people, instead of recognizing new opportunities for engagement, as well as the change and diversification of political participation of young people (Norris, 2002). Therefore, as a contribution of this research, the presented categorization of forms of youth politics in the punk scene in Zagreb shows a wide spectrum of activities and practices that go beyond the existing known examples of youth participation in formal politics. All the aforementioned examples indicate the assertiveness of young people in response to the barriers in front of them with new ways and opportunities to participate in political processes. |
